June 26, 2022




by HN

In 1990 William Cooper published BEHOLD A PALE HORSE. On pages 224-225 in Chapter 12 The Secret Government he wrote the following:

For many years the Secret Government has been importing drugs and selling them to the people, mainly the poor and minorities. Social welfare programs were put into place to create a dependent, nonworking element in our society. The government then began to remove these programs to force people into a criminal class that did not exist in the ’50s and ’60s.

The government encouraged the manufacture and importation of military firearms for the criminals to use. This is intended to foster a feeling of insecurity, which would lead the American people to voluntarily
disarm themselves by passing laws against firearms. Using drugs and hypnosis on mental patients in a process called Orion, the CIA inculcated the desire in these people to open fire on schoolyards and thus inflame the antigun lobby. This plan is well under way, and so far, is working perfectly. The middle class is begging the government to do away with the 2nd amendment.

Author’s Note: I have found that these events have indeed happened all over the country. In every instance that I have investigated — the incident at the women’s school in Canada, the shopping center incident in Canada, the Stockton, California, massacre, and the murder of Rabbi Meir Kahane — the
shooters were all ex-mental patients or were current mental patients who were ALL ON THE DRUG PROZAC! This drug, when taken in certain doses, increases the serotonin level in the patient, causing extreme violence. Couple that with a posthypnotic suggestion or control through an electronic brain
implant or microwave or E.L.F. intrusion and you get mass murder, ending in every case with the suicide of the perpetrator. Exhume the bodies of the murderers and check for a brain implant. I think you are going to be surprised. In every case the name of the murderer’s doctor or mental treatment facility
has been withheld. I believe we will be able to establish intelligence-community connections and/or connections to known CIA experimental mind control programs when we finally discover who these doctors of death really are.”

The OBiden junta orchestrated the January 6th false flag to set a pretext demonizing law abiding republicans and patriot Americans as domestic terrorists and insurrectionists.

I have said it many times, the only terrorists and insurrectionists are in the White House and congress.

Of course, the OBiden regime ignores the weekend shooting galleries in Chicago and other democrat run hell holes to focus on white supremacy, when it is black on black crime that is the greatest threat to the black community in America. The truth is most mass shootings involve blacks killing blacks and whites killing whites. Let’s take a look to the past to understand the present and prepare for the future.

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Most Mass Shooters Are Black

Robert Hampton, American Renaissance, June 7, 2019

A city engineer killed 12 people in Virginia Beach last weekend. DeWayne Craddock resigned from his job Friday morning and then shot up his workplace, killing his boss and other co-workers before the police killed him. His motive is unknown.

Mass shootings are often national news and prompt warnings about the dangers white men pose to the country. The Virginia Beach shooting was different. The shooter did not fit the angry white man stereotype; he was black.

Whenever there is a mass shooting, we are likely to hear about “toxic white masculinity.” After the Parkland, Florida, school massacre, Stony Brook University sociology professor Michael Kimmel said white men’s “aggrieved entitlement” may be responsible. Sky News asked, “Why are white men more likely to carry out mass shootings?” The article didn’t answer the question, but it did call shooter Nikolas Cruz — who is Hispanic — a white man.

After the Pittsburgh synagogue shooting, CNN took the same view: “White men warn the public about vicious Central American gangs invading the United States, even though white men have committed more mass shootings than any other group.” The writer accused white men of projecting their violent impulses onto non-whites.

Media portrayals and assumptions are wrong. Mass killers are not disproportionately white — any more than serial killers are. Craddock is more representative of the typical mass shooter than an angry white man.

Virginia Beach, Virginia: People stop to pay their respects to those killed in a mass shooting. Eleven city employees and one private contractor were shot to death by engineer DeWayne Craddock. (Credit Image: © Jeff Moore/ZUMA Wire)

A 2016 New York Times report found that around 75 percent of mass shooters in 2015 were black. The report defined mass shootings as incidents with four or more dead or injured. The Times noted that most of the “high-profile massacres” were by white men, while the vast majority of shootings that did not get wide coverage were committed by blacks. These included drive-by shootings and other routine acts of violence in “economically downtrodden neighborhoods.”

The actual percentage of black mass shooters was probably higher than 75 percent. The New York Times reported that “nearly half of the cases remain unsolved,” and its figures were based only on assailants who were identified.

Mother Jones has a mass shooting database of 112 incidents. Fifty-five percent of the shooters were white and 18 percent were black. The Mother Jones database is often cited to show whites are the majority of mass shooters, but it shows whites are still underrepresented and blacks are overrepresented as perpetrators.

Mother Jones and The New York Times reach different conclusions on racial proportions because the Mother Jones’ definition of a mass shooting is narrower: One gunman kills at least four people in a public place. Mother Jones makes some exceptions: It includes the Columbine school shooting, even though there were two gunmen. Mother Jones excludes gang violence and other criminal activity, which also helps explain why its data are so different from those of the Times. It is almost as if the database were deliberately designed to include white shooters and exclude black shooters.

The two most recent shootings in Mother Jones’ grim database were committed by black men. One is the Virginia Beach shooting, the other is a massacre that occurred at an Aurora, Illinois, manufacturing plant in February. Gary Martin shot up the plant after he was fired, killing five co-workers before he was shot by police. Martin had warned a colleague that he would go on a shooting spree if he lost his job.

The Mother Jones definition of mass shootings leaves out other recent shootings almost certainly committed by blacks: A week before the Virginia Beach massacre, one person was killed and nine were wounded when a black block party in Chesapeake, Virginia, was engulfed in gunfireAn April shooting at a West Baltimore cookout left one dead and six injured. A 2017 gang-related shooting at a Little Rock, Arkansas, hip-hop club left 28 injured.

One surprising omission from the Mother Jones database is the 2017 Antioch, Tennessee, church shooting. A black man, Emanuel Samuelson, shot up a majority-white church before an armed parishioner tackled him. Mr. Samuelson killed one woman and wounded eight other people. He was a lone gunman not involved in gang activity who targeted a public place, so he should have been in Mother Jones’ database.

Mr. Samuelson shot up the Burnette Church of Christ Chapel because he wanted to kill at least 10 whites in retaliation for the 2015 Charleston church shooting, in which a white man killed nine blacks. Last month, Samuelson was found guilty of first-degree murder and 42 other counts, including civil rights intimidation, and sentenced to life without parole.

Mr. Samuelson is one of many black shooters who wanted to kill whites. In July 2016, Micah X. Johnson killed five Dallas, Texas, police officers and wounded several others. “The suspect said . . . he wanted to kill white people, especially white officers,” then-Dallas police chief David Brown said. Johnson was associated with black nationalist groups.

Just a few weeks later, Gavin Eugene Long killed three police officers in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. Long was a black nationalist who had written a book declaring white people inferior to blacks. His manifesto called the shooting a “necessary evil” in the fight against police oppression.

Omar Thornton shot and killed eight co-workers at a Manchester, Connecticut, beer distillery in 2010. Thornton’s family claimed it was because of racism in the workplace. Before he turned the gun on himself, he called his family to say, “I killed the five racists.” All of Thornton’s victims were white. Police found no evidence of racial discrimination at the distillery.

Jamaican immigrant Colin Ferguson killed six people and wounded 19 in a 1993 shooting aboard a Long Island, New York, commuter train. Mr. Ferguson’s lawyers claimed he was motivated by “black rage” against racist whites and that he could not be held criminally liable. He had long raged against whites and called for revolutionary violence against them. None of his victims was black.

DeWayne Craddock killed several blacks in his Virginia Beach rampage, so he may not have been motivated by hatred of whites, but he was no outlier. By any sensible definition, most mass shooters are black.

HN note: In any case, the elite want us to kill each other! WAKE UP!

White On Black Crime vs. Black On White Crime: New Statistics Show More Killings Between Races

By Lydia O’Neal@LydsONeal
09/30/16 AT 11:45 AM

WASHINGTON – MARCH 09: The seal of the F.B.I. hangs in the Flag Room at the bureau’s headquaters March 9, 2007 in Washington, DC.  Photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images 

Interracial homicides have reached levels not seen since president Barack Obama first took office, when rates began a period of steady decline, according to the latest statistics from the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

Most notably, white-on-black killings spiked by 22.5 percent between 2014 and 2015 after years of mostly trending downward. Killings of whites by African Americans increased by 12.2 percent, while black-on-black and white-on-white killings increased only slightly—by just 7.9 percent and 3.5 percent, respectively—between 2014 and 2015, after mostly falling since 2008. Overall, more than twice as many black-on-white homicides occurred compared with white-on-black homicides.

To be sure, homicides in which the offender and victim were of the same race have vastly outnumbered interracial homicides for the past ten years. FBI data show that while 500 black-on-white killings and 229 white-on-black killings were reported in 2015,  2,574 homicides were committed by whites against other whites, and 2,380 by blacks against blacks.



The new statistics, derived from data submitted to the FBI by more than 16,000 college and university, federal, state, city, county and tribal agencies, describe a year in which a record number of young black men were killed by police officers in the United States, according to a study by The Guardian.

In September, the fatal police shootings of Terence Crutcher in Tulsa, Oklahoma, Keith Lamont Scott in Charlotte, North Carolina, Alfred Olango in San Diego, Tawon Boyd in Baltimore and 13-year-old Tyre King in Columbus, Ohio, drew national scrutiny and, in the case of Charlotte, violent protests.

Some conservative leaders have cited crime statistics to dismiss the Black Lives Matter social justice movement’s call for police reform. 

“If we have a shooting, we end up assuming that it had to be racial,” former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee said in a recent interview with Fox News.

RELATED STORIES Tyre King Was Running Away When Shot By Police With Police Killings, Mentally Ill Often A Target

The rate of violent crime in the U.S. increased by 3.1 percent last year compared with that of 2014, the FBI noted in its press release. Rape and aggravated assault increased by 6.3 and 4.6 percent respectively over the same period. 

Mass Shootings Are Soaring, With Black Neighborhoods Hit Hardest

2020 is on pace to have the most mass shootings since the nonprofit Gun Violence Archive started tracking them. In their wake, anti-violence activists say the lack of public outpouring feels familiar: “Nobody cares about us.”

By Champe BartonJ. Brian CharlesJennifer Mascia, and Chip Brownlee 

Sep 3, 2020

The Trace

This summer’s Rye Day celebration in Syracuse, New York, almost ended — as it had the past 14 years — without a hitch. The event, a public birthday party hosted by a local business owner and philanthropist, drew hundreds of residents to an outdoor performance space on June 20 on the city’s Near West Side, where they ate and drank, registered to vote, and escaped the various pressures of the pandemic. 

But then a scuffle broke out. A Facebook Live stream shows a girl dancing, then noticing the commotion. “It’s a fight,” someone remarks, off camera. “Time to go.” The girl in the video agrees, playfully, but her concern escalates. The music stops. People scream. The crowd scatters, and the video turns into a whir of bodies and grass. Seconds later, more than a dozen gunshots ring out. 

“It was chaos,” said Nitch Jones, a local youth pastor who was at the center of the crowd. “You had wounded individuals, wounded friends, family members, associates on the ground, all crying out for help. People experiencing someone who looks like they’re dead. People experiencing trauma for the first time.” 

At the scene, Jones rushed to help the wounded. He spotted a body lying motionless on the asphalt. It was a boy who had been shot in the head. Jones helped calm the boy’s family until paramedics arrived, and wheeled his body to an ambulance. Photos from the aftermath show a woman standing in a haze of red light from the vehicle’s sirens. She’s barefoot, wearing a shirt with the words “Proud Mom” emblazoned on its back.

Her son, Chariel Osorio, had graduated from high school earlier that day. He was 17 years old. Less than a week later, he died of his injuries in a hospital bed. 

Osario and the eight victims wounded in the Rye Day shooting are among more than 320 people killed and over 1,600 injured in mass shootings so far in 2020, according to the nonprofit Gun Violence Archive. What constitutes a “mass shooting” varies between government agencies and groups like Gun Violence Archive, which defines the incidents as any with four or more people wounded. Our analysis of Gun Violence Archive data found a total of 395 mass shootings as of August 24, an almost 45 percent increase over the same period last year. If the pace holds, this year’s total will be the highest tally since the organization began tracking shootings seven years ago. 

Champe Barton and Daniel Nass

The mass shootings have disproportionately occurred in predominantly Black neighborhoods. Nearly 50 percent of the shootings analyzed by The Trace took place in majority-Black census tracts, though less than 10 percent of census tracts nationally have majority Black populations. The pattern held in almost every city that has had more than five mass shootings in 2020. In Chicago, for example, 31 out of 36 shootings with four or more victims happened in majority-Black census tracts. In Detroit and Milwaukee, each of which saw five mass shootings, all of them occurred in majority-Black neighborhoods.

Every act of violence shocks the conscience, but the public setting of many mass shootings renders them acutely horrifying. People pursuing an activity presumed safe – going to church or school or the store, putting in a workday, enjoying a night out – suddenly confront a barrage of bullets. The ensuing media coverage stirs public mourning and donations. Activists and Democratic politicians cry for reform. But when a gunman in a dispute kills or injures multiple bystanders in a predominantly Black or Latinx community, the bloodshed is written off by some journalists, politicians, and onlookers as predictable, endemic to the neighborhood and therefore not worthy of the same sympathy.

Champe Barton and Daniel Nass

With this year’s more frequent mass shootings part of a larger rise in homicides during the pandemic, President Donald Trump has used the violence to stoke fears among white voters and paint Democrats as soft on crime. His Justice Department is sending federal agents into cities under the aegis of Operation Legend, an initiative designed to produce quick increases in arrests and federal prosecutions, which evidence shows do not correlate to long-term reductions in violent crime and improvements in public safety. Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden promises to increase restrictions on gun access but rejects proposals to reduce police funding and dramatically shift public dollars toward social services and grassroots interventions. 

For Black gun violence prevention advocates, the responses to mass shootings in Black and Brown neighborhoods are dispiritingly familiar. “When these mass shootings happen in white communities, everybody has a response: they have policies, investments, thoughts and prayers,” said Amber Goodwin, the founding director of the Community Justice Action Fund. “When Black people are shot and killed, it’s a lack of response. Or if there is a response, it’s a divestment. It’s carceral.”

On August 14, activists, family members, pastors, and friends gathered at an intersection on a leafy residential street in Southeast Washington, D.C., to mourn the death of Chris “Pappi” Brown. Five days before, Brown had been killed at an annual block party after more than 100 shots were fired into a crowd of more than 300. The shooting left 21 injured and Brown dead. He was 17.

Like other large cities during the pandemic, Washington has struggled to contain a troubling rise in homicides, even as other crime has declined. So far, the city has recorded 133 homicides, and if the current pace holds, that number may pass 200 for the first time in more than a decade. Encompassed within the surge is an uptick in mass shootings. More than seven shootings have left four or more injured in the district in the past five months alone. 

The increase worries those who study the effects of mass violence on public life, like Yale sociologist Vida Bajc. Since the coronavirus hit the United States, Bajc has been concerned that people in cities — who have sacrificed privacy and home-size for the tight-knit social fabric of urban life  — have had to endure a profound alienation as public space grows more dangerous to inhabit. Mass shootings, she said, only compound  this sense of isolation. “Public spaces are extensions of our homes,” she said. “So this is an invasion on two fronts: You don’t know who carries a gun, who’s going to blow up and get angry and start shooting; and you don’t know who has the virus. So what I see is people closing in on themselves.” 

Authorities investigate the scene in the Greenway neighborhood in Southeast Washington after an early morning shooting left at least 21 wounded in August. Marvin Joseph/The Washington Post

Like the Rye Day party in Syracuse, the block party at which Brown was killed was meant to provide some relief during a COVID-warped summer. “You had hundreds of people from across the city who came to the event looking for fellowship and bonding,” said Tia Bell, founder of the Trigger Project, a gun violence reduction group based in Washington. What the organizers hadn’t accounted for, though, was the way that the disruptions people sought to escape would also fuel new conflicts, she said.

“All of the root causes that fuel the cycle of gun violence are intensified right now,” said Greg Jackson, advocacy director at Community Justice Action Fund, which is based in Washington. “There aren’t fewer police officers out there, but there are fewer jobs and fewer educational opportunities.”

The same turmoil is fueling violence outside of major cities. In states that ended lockdown restrictions early into the virus’s spread, people in rural and suburban communities have been eager to reclaim their pre-pandemic lives, only to have their communities rattled by acts of mass violence. Many of the mass shootings documented by the Gun Violence Archive occurred in such places, striking public venues just beginning to attract patrons after closing during coronavirus shutdowns.

Royta Giles Jr.’s parents were shopping for a Fourth of July outfit for him at the Riverchase Galleria in Hoover, Alabama, the state’s largest mall, when three men opened fire at one another inside. Royta, 8 years old, was caught in the crossfire. Bullets wounded three other bystanders. 

“We heard the gunshots and I grabbed them, and we hit the ground,” Royta’s mother, Jesslyn Layfield, told AL.com. “He was the only one who didn’t get up.”

Royta’s death led to an outpouring of community support — at a well-attended vigil outside the mall, his mother spoke through tears about the strangers who showed up to help her through her grieving. But like the Rye Day shooting in Syracuse and the block party shooting in D.C. after it, the violence prompted little national attention. 

Jason Silva, a professor of criminal justice at William Paterson University who studies media coverage of mass shootings, has noted a distinction between “mass public shootings” — the incidents that have come to define mass shootings in the American consciousness, where the shooter targets a specific public space for a rampage — and mass shootings that grow out of violence between individuals or groups, but wind up claiming bystanders among those shot. “The mass public shootings are what get more coverage, traditionally,” he said, irrespective of the race of perpetrators or victims. 

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In Chicago, a Steep Rise in Suicide Among Black PeopleHalfway through 2020, the number of Black residents of Cook County who’ve died by suicide has already surpassed last year’s total. “Ignoring the issue until it becomes a crisis has become the method of treatment,” says one mental health advocate.

Silva has advocated cautiously for increasing media coverage of conflict-related mass shootings as a means of generating public support for necessary legislative changes. “If we want to address the gun violence problem at large” — which overwhelmingly comprises conflict related shootings like the one at the Galleria — “then we should 100 percent be showing them the same media attention,” he said. “But we should keep in mind the harm caused during the tough-on-crime era of the ‘80s and ‘90s, which was driven in part by exhaustive media coverage.”

While most Americans went unaware, the shootout at the Galleria traumatized those who witnessed it. “My chest was shaking so bad, and my hands were shaking, and I was trying to keep myself from panicking,” said Rebecca Skelton, who was mid-shift at a Build-a-Bear Workshop nearby when the shots rang out. “But that’s what you think is: you know, is it over? How many bodies are there outside my door? What is going on out there, and is it going to come in here?”

Skelton turned in her letter of resignation two days later. Several coworkers did the same. “I have PTSD from working at a toy store,” she said.

“Mass shootings in Black and Brown communities may be new to you all — not new to us,” said DeVone Boggan, the executive director of the Bay Area-based violence prevention group Advance Peace. “And it’s never been considered a mass shooting. Not until white folks started dying did we start hearing about this phenomena called mass shootings. But drive-by shootings — i.e., ‘mass shootings’ — have been happening forever, COVID or not.”

The pandemic has exacerbated violence in underserved areas by introducing unemployment, hampering access to mental health care and other social services, and keeping everyone home, fueling conflict within families and communities — and making rivals easier to track down, Boggan said.

“Being in a dysfunctional environment with multiple people who are all going through the same thing and respond in volatile ways creates a combustion that can produce some of the things that we are seeing in some of these neighborhoods,” he said. 

To Boggan and his fellow violence interrupters, it’s important to call out what underlies the formula for which mass shootings generate public attention and which are overlooked. “It’s part of systemic racism,” said Fernando Rejón, executive director of Urban Peace Institute, an initiative in Los Angeles that provides training for violence intervention workers. “The automatic assumption is, ‘it’s probably gang-related,’ ‘they’re all involved in something illegal.’ If it happened at a bar or a nightclub, where it’s not ‘supposed’ to happen, then it makes national news. 

“Systemic racism,” Rejón added, “is really about power: the power to determine who’s valued and who is not.”

On a Sunday afternoon in April, about two weeks after California issued its first stay-at-home orders, Devon Gipson and his fiancé, Jennifer Salazar, were walking to a store in the residential Gramercy Park neighborhood of Los Angeles when someone drove by and opened fire. A bullet hit Gary Patrick Moody in a nearby car, killing him. Another bullet wounded a 49-year-old man in the arm, and another bullet hit Salazar in the leg. A fourth round struck Gipson in the back, fracturing his rib and puncturing his lung before exiting his body. 

Gipson, a father and full-time employee at the toy company Mattel, underwent surgery and survived the mass shooting, which was one of at least three in the city since March. Local media extensively covered Gipson’s shooting: his father is California Assemblymember Mike Gipson. A Democrat, Mike Gipson dealt with the issue before his son’s shooting, introducing a bill last year that would require the registration of home-assembled ghost guns. He’d held anti-violence rallies just blocks from where his son was shot. 

“As a father, the news of my son being shot was devastating to myself and my family,” the lawmaker told reporters after the shooting. “As a legislator, I know that too often many families experience similar scenarios on a regular basis. This must stop.” 

Statewide, California has had 20 mass shootings during the COVID-19 crisis. In June, two women, 37 and 63, were killed and three others were wounded in a drive-by shooting at a child’s birthday party in the Northern California city of Vallejo. The next day, a local musician was killed and four others were wounded in a targeted shooting in Sacramento on June 10. Two weeks later, Two girls, 11 and 12, were killed and three adults were injured in a drive-by shooting at a birthday party in Delano. 

In Syracuse, the weeks following the Rye Day party saw a rash of shootings, some retaliatory, some unrelated, according to local activists. Through August, the city saw 22 homicides, more than it did in all of 2019 and on track for an all-time record.

The gun violence has been so unrelenting that the Rye Day shooting hardly felt like an anomaly to some who live nearby. “People who were shocked were people who were not from Syracuse,” said Dr. Najah Salaam, chief operating officer of the Street Addiction Institute, a local violence prevention nonprofit. 

Reverend YL Wright, Sr., a minister at Tucker Missionary Baptist Church on Syracuse’s South Side, agreed, adding that after living in the city for nearly five decades, he’s now wary of deviating from his usual routine, lest he wind up in a barrage of gunfire. “I don’t go anywhere where there’s crowds at.” 

A 2015 analysis of census data determined that Syracuse had the highest rate of extreme poverty among Black and Latinx people out of the nation’s 100 largest metropolitan areas. The statistic was quoted often by activists and community residents interviewed for this story, who held it up as evidence of a problem they’ve recognized since they were young — a problem of scarcity that they say drives gun violence. 

California Assemblyman Mike Gipson, whose son was shot in April, kneels to honor George Floyd at the state Capitol. AP/Rich Pedroncelli

Salaam and Wright both pointed to a lack of jobs and afterschool programs, homelessness, an underfunded school district, and a debilitating segregation enforced by Interstate 81, which slices the city in half along its north-south axis, as parts of a system rigged against their communities. 

To local activists, the scarcity of resources and the failure of mass shootings like the one at Rye Day to garner significant national concern are connected: They both represent neglect of the problems plaguing Black communities. Salaam offered an example to prove this point. 

“In Fayetteville” — a village just outside of Syracuse — “there was a big-to do about swan eggs that had been crushed,” she said. “They vandalized these swan eggs and the community was absolutely outraged. People set up cameras and donated money and citizens took turns to stay overnight just to protect the swan eggs.

“Then you have a situation like what you’re describing here in Syracuse where nine people are shot and one child was murdered on the night of his graduation, and you see a couple of media news clips about it. Nobody marched. There was no public outrage.” 

The takeaway, she said, was clear: “Nobody cares about us.”

51% of Mass Shooters in 2019 Were Black: Only 29% Were White

No, mass shootings are not a “white man’s” problem.

Tue Aug 6, 2019

Daniel Greenfield, a Shillman Journalism Fellow at the Freedom Center, is an investigative journalist and writer focusing on the radical Left and Islamic terrorism.

Around the same time that the media was focused on the mass shootings in El Paso and Dayton, 60 people were shot in Chicago over the weekend. 24 of those people were shot in four hours.

Baltimore reached its 200th murder victim of the year during its “Ceasefire Weekend”.

4 people were killed in 4 days in Kansas City. 6 men were shot in Philly during the filming of a rap video.

Even in Toronto, 15 people were wounded in shootings over the weekend. Over 350 people have been shot this year in the Canadian city which has gun control, no NRA, and none of the usual excuses.

This tide of violence has received less media coverage because it challenges the false claim that, as a CNN op-ed once put it, mass shootings are a “white man’s problem.”

“I would say our country should be more fearful of white men across our country because they are actually causing most of the deaths within this country,” Rep. Ilhan Omar claimed on Al Jazeera.

“We have to stop demonizing people and realize the biggest terror threat in this country is white men,” Don Lemon had previously claimed on CNN.

“White Men Have Committed More Mass Shootings Than Any Other Group,” Newsweek had argued.

The perception that mass shootings are a “white man’s problem” lingers around the country because white mass shooters tend to get more publicity. And, the twisted young male who goes on a public shooting spree fits a certain kind of media narrative. But when we actually study the mass shootings that took place in 2019, it’s clear that Patrick Crusius and Connor Betts are not the norm, but aberrations.

Mass shooters have no particular ideology. Crusius and Betts were opposites ideologically. (Though both cared deeply about the environment.) Nor are mass shooters a white problem or a black problem. Over the same bloody weekend, William Patrick Williams, who is African-American, appeared in court after being arrested by the FBI for planning to shoot up a Texas hotel with an AK-47 rifle.

Looking at the data from the Mass Shooting Tracker, widely utilized by the media, as of this writing, of the 72 mass shooters, perpetrators in shootings that killed or wounded 4 or more people, whose race is known, 21 were white, 37 were black, 8 were Latino, and 6 were members of other groups.

51% of mass shooters in 2019 were black, 29% were white, and 11% were Latino.

Three mass shooters were Asian, two were American Indian and one was Arab.

These numbers are if anything vastly understated. As many as half of the mass shootings that took place in 2019 thus far remain unsolved, but they often took place in black areas and claimed black victims.

White people make up 61% of the country’s population, followed by Hispanics at 17.8%, and African-Americans at 12.7%. In that context, white people are actually dramatically underrepresented among mass shooters, as are Latinos, while African-Americans are highly overrepresented. But that may be because Latino gangs, like MS-13, are less likely to use handguns in public shootouts. And white organized crime groups, like the mafia, no longer carry out attacks like the St. Valentine’s Day Massacre.

Much of this country’s gun violence is really gang violence. And shooting your enemies is a tactic. White organized crime groups make their victims disappear. MS-13’s victims are beheaded and buried in parks. Black gang members open fire on each in major cities. The perpetrators are sometimes never caught. When we distill the problem of mass shootings to its statistical roots, it becomes a gang tactic.

Would the media really like to argue that beheadings are preferable to shootings as a tactic? Were the people buried under Whitey’s house better off than the gang members shot on a Chicago street corner?

Beyond gang violence, the list of mass shootings includes family murder-suicides carried out by both white and black perpetrators, though white family shootings were more prevalent, and workplace shootings by both white and black perpetrators, though black workplace shootings were more common.

Bias is a factor in the overreporting on white mass shooters, but there are different kinds of media biases. Beyond political bias, there’s also narrative bias. The media’s objectivity isn’t just undermined by political agendas, but by the entertainment value of a story from its own privileged perspective.

The media finds a story about a shooting in a small town interesting, but a shooting in the inner city boring. A shooting at a Garlic Festival is a novelty while a shooting at a house party in Chicago isn’t. But the pursuit of novelty creates its own narrative which makes it seem as if mass shootings happen in unlikely places, because they are more memorable, than in the big cities where they actually happen.

And yet some mass shootings were inherently newsworthy, but were never reported.

DeWayne Craddock, a Virginia Beach government employee murdered 12 people at his workplace. The victims were both white and black. Even though Craddock was the deadliest workplace mass shooter of 2019, there’s been very little coverage of his case.

Craddock’s killing spree got far less coverage than Santino William Legan’s attack on the Gilroy Garlic Festival even though he killed 4 times more people than Legan did. White mass shooters like Legan are seen as more newsworthy because they make a better case for gun control due to the fact that they are likelier to use heavier weapons. Legan brought a rifle to the Garlic festival. Craddock used .45 handguns. And he used them more effectively than Legan used, what the media is calling, an assault rifle.

Heavier weapons may make for a better political agenda, but they aren’t necessarily deadlier.

Then there’s a mass shooting story out of Detroit that would have scratched two of the media’s political itches, homophobia and gun control, but was instead buried because the shooter fit the wrong profile.

In June, Devon Robinson shot two gay men and one transgender man. The shootings, which took place during Pride Month, according to a spokeswoman for the prosecutor’s office, targeted and killed the victims “because they were part of the LGBTQ community.” Had Devon been white, there’s little doubt that there would already be a play, a movie and a monument to his victims. But instead it’s been buried.

The Robinson shootings demonstrate how the media negotiates its own intersectional cover-ups. As does the very different coverage of the political orientations of Patrick Crusius and Connor Betts.

While mass shooters can come from any race or political belief, the one thing that unites them is a desire for publicity. Mass shooters often admire and track the “high scores” of other mass shooters regardless of their motives and politics. What they really want to do, above all else, is kill.

Seung-Hui Cho, the South Korean immigrant, who killed 32 people at Virginia Tech, wrote of being inspired by the Columbine killers, and claimed that he wanted to die to “inspire generations of the weak and defenseless people”. Adam Lanza, the Sandy Hook school shooter, was inspired by Anders Breivik, a Neo-Nazi mass shooter, even though he had nothing apparently in common with him.

What mass shooters like Cho and Crusius really want is to be celebrities. And the media makes that happen. It broadcasts their manifestos, plasters their photos everywhere, and makes them famous.

And then the next mass shooter uses them as his inspiration.

The Reuters article below is very selective in its definition of mass shootings as you can read for yourself

Factbox: Grim (Selective) chronology of mass shootings in the United States


Vigil for victims of shooting in Buffalo

A mourner reacts while attending a vigil for victims of the shooting at a TOPS supermarket in Buffalo, New York, U.S. May 15, 2022. REUTERS/Brendan McDermid

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May 15 (Reuters) – A white teenager dressed in camouflage and body armor opened fire on Saturday in a grocery store in a Black neighborhood of Buffalo, New York, killing 10 people in an attack authorities are calling an act of “violent extremism” motivated by race.

Authorities say the man drove about 200 miles (320 km) from his home outside Binghamton to the store where he staged the attack and live-streamed the carnage on the social media platform Twitch. read more

The rampage is the latest in a string of high-profile mass shootings in the United States this year, the second in the state of New York in as many months.

Below is a (selective) list of recent major mass shootings:

– NEW YORK CITY, April 12, 2022 – In one of the most violent attacks in the history of New York’s transit system, 23 people were wounded when a 62-year-old (BLACK) man activated a smoke bomb and opened fire in a subway. He was taken into custody the next day.

– MICHIGAN, Nov. 30, 2021 – Four students were killed and seven other people were wounded after a teenager opened fire at a high school in Oxford, Michigan. It was the deadliest school shooting in the United States last year.

– INDIANAPOLIS, April 16, 2021 – A former FedEx employee who had been under psychiatric care shot eight people dead and injured several others at an Indiana facility of the shipping company before taking his own life, authorities said.Report ad

– CALIFORNIA, March 31, 2021 – Four people were killed, one of them a child, in a shooting at an office building in suburban Los Angeles before the suspect was taken into custody.

– COLORADO, March 22, 2021 – A mass shooting at a supermarket in Boulder, Colorado left 10 people dead, including a police officer.

– ATLANTA, March 16, 2021 – Eight people, including six women of Asian descent, were shot dead in a string of attacks at day spas in and around Atlanta. A male suspect was arrested.

– MILWAUKEE, Feb 26, 2020- A gunman opened fire at the Molson Coors Beverage Co brewing complex in Milwaukee, killing five co-workers before he committed suicide.

– ILLINOIS, Feb. 15, 2019 – A man opened fire at an Illinois factory after being fired, killing five workers before he was slain by police.

– EL PASO, Aug. 3, 2019 – A man fatally shot 22 people at a Walmart store in El Paso, Texas. A statement, believed to have been written by the suspect, called the attack “a response to the Hispanic invasion of Texas.” Authorities arrested the shooter.

– DAYTON, Aug. 4, 2019 – A gunman dressed in body armor opened fire in downtown Dayton, Ohio, killing nine people including his sister. Police killed the shooter.

– VIRGINIA BEACH, May 31, 2019 – A disgruntled public utility employee opened fire on co-workers at a municipal building in Virginia, killing 12 people before he was fatally shot by police.

– THOUSAND OAKS, Nov. 7, 2018 – A former Marine combat veteran killed 12 people in a bar in Thousand Oaks, California, a suburb of Los Angeles. He then killed himself.

– TREE OF LIFE, Oct. 27, 2018 – A gunman burst into the Tree of Life synagogue near Pittsburgh and fired on congregants gathered for a Sabbath service, killing 11.

– SANTA FE, Texas, May 18, 2018 – A 17-year-old student opened fire at his high school outside Houston, killing nine students and a teacher, before surrendering to officers.

– PARKLAND, Feb. 14, 2018 – A former student at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, killed 17 students and educators.

– SUTHERLAND SPRINGS, Nov. 5, 2017 – A man thrown out of the U.S. Air Force for beating his wife and child shot 26 people fatally at a rural Texas church where his in-laws worshipped before killing himself.

– LAS VEGAS, Oct. 1, 2017 – A gunman opened fire on a country music festival from a 32nd-floor hotel suite, killing 58 people before taking his own life.

– ORLANDO, June 12, 2016 – A gunman fatally shot 49 people at Pulse, a gay nightclub, before he was shot dead by police.

– SAN BERNARDINO, Dec. 2, 2015 – A husband and wife killed 14 people at a workplace holiday party in San Bernardino in Southern California before dying in a shootout with police.

– ROSEBURG, Oct 1, 2015 – A gunman stalked onto an Oregon college campus and opened fire, killing nine people before police shot him to death.

– CHARLESTON, June 17, 2015 – A White supremacist killed nine Black churchgoers at a church in Charleston, South Carolina. He was sentenced to death.

– WASHINGTON, D.C., Sept. 16, 2013 – A former Navy reservist working as a government contractor killed 12 people at the Washington Navy Yard. He was shot dead by police.

– NEWTOWN, Dec. 14, 2012 – A heavily armed gunman killed 26 people, including 20 children from five- to 10-years old, in a rampage at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Connecticut.

– AURORA, July 20, 2012 – A masked gunman killed 12 people at a cinema in Aurora, Colorado. He received multiple life sentences.

– FORT HOOD, Nov. 5, 2009 – An army major and psychiatrist opened fire at Fort Hood, a U.S. Army base in Texas, killing 13 people.


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